THE BN'S SWANSONG: May 13 film 'Tanda Putera' is Umno's worst propaganda

Well, Shuhaimi Baba you cried, raved and ranted that you were an independent film maker with your own views. You said "Tanda Putera" is not a political film to support any party.

I say, Bull Shit! It was supposed to be released in November last year but because Najib could not make up his mind on the election date, the film was postponed till he made up his mind. Looks like the 13th General Election is just weeks away now because the boss himself has released it to be premiered at the Felda gathering, where about 3,000 thousand got to watch it first.

Why was a local film premiered at an event not related to the film industry? Always there will be a fanfare for the premiere of any local film with personalities from the industry invited and it is always at a local cinema or a viewing hall.

But for "Tanda Putera", it is done at an event for Felda settlers. Doesn't this stink of government propaganda?

Without integrity, an artist is NOTHING

And you, Shuhaimi Baba, you said you were not biased. I've not seen the film but I suspect your hands were tied and you were dictated to on how to direct the movie, or else why this suspense?

But no matter what the pressure, you should have stood firm. Shame on you! You belong to the Arts and you must have the integrity and sense of doing justice to your profession and to society. If it is a propaganda film, then it should be made by a young aspiring film-maker who needs money - not you, an award-winning director.

And to Najib, if you thought that by showing this movie to the Felda Settlers, you will win over the Malays to vote for BN, then my friend, your 1Malaysia is a SHAM!

Here you are dividing and ruling the people, but you charade as if you want everyone to be united under your 1Malaysia umbrella. Do you dare show this film to an equal audience of Malays, Chinese, and Indians and then see whether your slogan is 1 Malaysia or 1 Malay-saja.

How sad for Malaysia when the Prime Minister of the country has to choose sides, and to win votes he has to make a movie on a subject of that Black Day when thousands of Chinese lives were lost and his own party disgraced itself by instigating the killings.

By right this movie should be banned if touches on sentiments of fellow Malaysians, but here it is funded by the Malaysian Government no less - all for the purpose of propagating votes.

Swansong

Back to you Shuhaimi Baba, I hope this film will be your swansong. I am sure you will be paid handsomely because after this film you may lose all credibility as an artist to your fellow comrades as well as the general public.

Most probably politics will beckon soon. If BN wins, you can have the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Tourism as a gift (don't worry you won't need votes for it, they will make you a Senator first and then offer you the post).

Of course, if the opposite happens and you cannot make a living out of film-making , you will have to find an alternative job. Such is life. And remember Shuhaimi, what goes around comes around. So don't be too happy and gloat when you should be thorough ashamed of yourself!

The malice that is Mamaysia

This summary is not available. Please click here to view the post.

Indians should know NOTHING WILL CHANGE if BN wins

When UMNO and Barisan Nasional have failed the marginalised Indians for the past 56 years, Pakatan Rakyat has made some significant impact in helping them in the states under their control. Even with a tight rein on resources – Pakatan does not control the federal kitty – the state governments under Pakatan have tried their level best to help the marginalised Indians.

Hindraf or Hindu Rights Action Force began as a coalition of 30 Hindu non-governmental organisations committed to the preservation of Hindu community rights and heritage in a multi-racial Malaysia. .Hindraf no doubt had made a major impact to the political landscape of Malaysia in staging the 2007 HINDRAF rally.

The group has now developed a far-reaching political programme to preserve and to push for equal rights and opportunities for the minority Tamils. It has been efficacious in enduring to focus attention on the racist aspects of the present government policies.

Nevertheless, today Hindraf as an NGO may not be a force as strong as how they were before the 2008 general election. Hindraf did play a major role in that election to see Indian votes tilt towards Pakatan. During that time Hindraf had a sizeable Indian support.

Hindraf should not make unreasonable demands

As after the 2008 general election, this role to assist the penurious and mistreated Indians was taken over by many zealous Indian leaders in Pakatan – PKR and DAP. These are the leaders seen by those ‘relegated’ Indians to have helped them more.

For this reason, Indians in general are still supportive of Pakatan Rakyat with or without Hindraf.

However, Hindraf can still play a role to amalgamate Indian support for Pakatan by working diligently with the present federal opposition. Hindraf should not make unreasonable demands that no coalition – Pakatan or Barisan – could copiously accept them.

Hindraf leaders should grasp the fact that the problems faced by the marginalised Indians are also faced by other ethnic groups, especially the poor Malays and the Orang Asal of this country.

Wisdom should prevail among Hindraf leaders. Instead of making some stroppy demands for now, Hindraf should amicably co-operate with Pakatan leaders to wrest control of Putrajaya. It’s not a matter of ‘number of election seats’ that should be given to Hindraf that will make them relevant. It’s the empowerment in politics at the end of the day that will make the difference.

It would therefore be more sensible if Hindraf could work with all races in the country to help lighten the problems of the marginalised Indians. Hindraf is wide of the mark if they feel that only the Indians could help the Indians in the Malaysian context.

Left to fend for themselves

Indians have represented the Alliance Party and Barisan Nasional since the country’s Independence in 1957. Yet these Indian leaders could not do much to assuage the problems faced by the majority poor Indians. Leaders among the Indian community more often than not are self-seeking and would end up looking for glamour. They seek posts in the government, crave for honorific titles and end up enriching themselves – typical of almost all Barisan leaders.

Many of these successful Indians have acquired foreign PR and their children have adopted foreign citizenship. They have neglected the poor among the Indians and the latter are today left to fend for themselves.

Crime, unemployment and illiteracy are synonymous to most of this deprived group of Indians. They are left with no successful Indians coming to their rescue. Only some devoted politicians, mainly in the Opposition are seriously struggling to help this group of Indians.

If truth be told, in most cases the plights of the marginalised Indians are more looked after by the Chinese and Malays as they have the means and the also the conscience to do so.   The Chinese for instance have in the past donated a lot for the welfare of the Indian community such as the building of temples and schools and the maintenance of homes for the orphans and the poor Indians.

Thousands of Indians are working in the private sectors owned by the Chinese, Malays and foreigners. Praise and credit should be given to these people who have helped the poor Indians. And Indians given these opportunities have proven themselves to be successful and hardworking.

Begging for aids

Hindraf’s stand hence cannot be too race-centric and they should not deny the fact that not many wealthy Indians are willing to help relieve the problems faced by the poor Indians in the country. Hindraf should be unpretentious enough to admit that people of other races have all this while been helping the Indians.

Indians comprise not only Tamils in this country. It’s also not solely a Hindu problem here. Indians are not all Hindus; there are Muslims and Christians among them. And many of them are poor too.

No doubt the voice of the Indians must be heard in the parliament but it is equally important that Indian leaders work together with other races that have the means to help the poor Indians. Chinese schools are flourishing all due to the help extended by the Chinese community.

But the same is not happening to Tamil schools. Not many rich Indians are willing to contribute to improve the deplorable conditions of Tamil schools in the country.

Most non-Tamils do not send their children to Tamil schools and thus the rich among the non-Tamils are quite reluctant to contribute for the well-being of these schools.

When the Chinese are practically resilient and financially independent to make Chinese schools flourish and become among the best equipped in the country the Tamils are always seen to be begging for aids from the government.

Hindraf or the Indians in general should not see Tamil schools and temples as too significant an issue when the majority Indians are finding it so trying to even put food on the table. They should instead look into ways to improve the economic state of the poor Indians.

For this to materialise, Indians at large cannot depend on race-based parties but more on parties that are ideology-based where any economic help for the people is needs based and comes from all races.

Give Pakatan a chance

When race-based parties such as MIC and other mosquito parties representing the Indians within the Barisan coalition have failed the Indians they must now go for a shift and see if this helps them in the long run. Indians, all together, should give Pakatan a chance for at least one term at the federal level to see if there is any tangible change to their fate.

Indians have seen considerable results in states like Selangor and Penang which are under Pakatan control.

Now is the time for the Indians to work with Pakatan at the federal level to make things change for the community. When Barisan has failed them they still have a choice in a two-party system – a choice between Barisan and Pakatan. It’s never too late for Hindraf and the Indians to give Pakatan a chance to prove that the coalition can come up with concrete measures to change the fate of the marginalised Indians.

Pakatan is the way forward for the Indians after Barisan has failed them for the past 56 years. After all, the Indians had been loyal supporters of the Alliance and Barisan for more than four decades until they threw their support for Pakatan in the 2008 general election.

Indian votes can be crucial in some constituencies and their votes can determine which candidates can win. The 2008 election results shocked UMNO and Barisan leaders as they lost five states in that election and also the two-thirds majority in parliament. Many Indians were then voted in as oppositions in the parliament and state assemblies.

Hindraf cannot go it alone

The 2008 general election saw many ethnic Indians representing the Opposition in parliament. Penang appointed a deputy chief minister from this ethnic group. Perak created history by appointing an ethnic Indian to become the state assembly speaker.

States like Selangor and Penang saw a number of ethnic Indians holding important government posts who in their capacity have helped the marginalised Indian community. Of course, majority of these Indians do not represent Hindraf but PKR and DAP.

The success of Pakatan states in trying to alleviate the problems of the marginalised Indians is unprecedented. Hindraf should take note of this achievement.

Hindraf cannot go it alone. There is no single seat in the country that has Indian majority. And not all Indians, Malays or Chinese will vote for Hindraf candidates. The reality is that Indian candidates need the support of all races to win elections. Boycotting the elections will only see the Indians being deprived further and Hindraf doomed.

Common sense should thus again prevail among Hindraf leaders. Hindraf should not be too forceful and pressure Pakatan – or Barisan for that matter – into signing anything that would scare the majority Malay electorate. No coalition would entertain their excessive demands.

Hindraf ‘s realistic demand can always be incorporated in Pakatan’s policy corpus. Going for extremes will definitely hurt the feelings of other marginalised ethnic groups in the country.  Hindraf and the Indians as a whole should go for a non-race based politics and work within Pakatan’s policy framework.

It’s also sagacious for Hindraf to work for all the races including of course the Indians.

Nothing will change if Barisan wins

Demanding for exclusive seats may not augur well as Hindraf leaders must be willing to work with Pakatan coalition as a team. They should field candidates within the coalition’s policy context but not as a separate entity.

For that matter, even Barisan would not be able to give exclusive seats to Hindraf without offending the many Indian-based parties affiliated to the coalition, such as MIC.

Hindraf should air their demands persuasively only after going all out to help Pakatan win the elections. They should be smart enough to realise that nothing will change if Barisan wins, but there is likely to be a significant transformation for the poor Indians if Pakatan wins.

Hindraf can take on all MIC-held seats as a coalition partner of Pakatan. This approach alone will not help the Indians, as there is no guarantee that Hindraf could win all because the MIC seats were returned based on the strength of Malay or Chinese votes.

It’s only when Pakatan can take over Putrajaya can there be a more effective ways to help the poor Indians.

Pakatan is a multi-racial party and if possible they would not want to see race-to-race contest in an election. Hindraf cannot work exclusively with a blueprint that is very Indian-centric or race-focused. Only through the support of the non-Indians could they win elections and thereby could express the grievances of the poor Indians to the government in control.

This makes UMNO happy

Pakatan’s policies on the economy and education are based on needs, not class or race. All marginalised and poor communities have a stake in their ‘blueprint’.  Their blueprint eulogises human rights and opportunities for all.

The marginalised Indians need to be helped.  But Hindraf should work with Pakatan to forward their demands for all minorities and not just the Indian community. An Indian-only approach may not augur well in a multi-racial Malaysia.

The voice of the poor and underclass Indian Malaysians are already made audible by the few Indian representatives in Pakatan. Hindraf should not belittle the efforts made by all those who have been fighting so hard for the poor Indians. Where is Hindraf when Pakatan leaders are all out to help the poor and victimised Indians of late?

Hindraf may have supporters but it is no longer a significant force among the Indians. Majority Indians are now already with Pakatan and a minority with Barisan.

Indians are the minority in this country but unfortunately they are in the main disunited, discontented and hardnosed. This makes UMNO happy. Indians have no choice but to lean towards the majority in many aspects of their life such as the economy and education.

When Barisan has failed them they should now vote for a change at the federal level to enjoy their constitutional rights.

It’s never too late to be united and force for a change of government. The next general election will determine the fate of the poor Indians in the country for many years to come.

CONSTITUTION OF MALAYSIA - CITIZENSHIP

CONSTITUTION OF MALAYSIA

PART III - CITIZENSHIP

Chapter 2 - Termination of Citizenship

Article number: 23

23.

• Any citizen of or over the age of twenty-one years and of sound mind who is also or is about to become a citizen of another country may renounce his citizenship of the Federation by declaration registered by the Federal Government, and shall thereupon cease to be a citizen.

• (2) A declaration made under this Article during any war in which the Federation is engaged shall not be registered except with the approval of the Federal Government.

• (3) This Article applies to a woman under the age of twenty-one years who has been married as it applies to a person of or over that age.

Article number: 24

• (1) If the Federal Government is satisfied that any citizen has acquired by registration, naturalization or other voluntary and formal act (other than marriage) the citizenship of any country outside the Federation, the Federal Government may by order deprive that person of his citizenship.

• (2) If the Federal Government is satisfied that any citizen has voluntarily claimed and exercised in any country, being rights accorded exclusively to its citizens, the Federal Government may by order deprive that person of his citizenship.

• (3) (Repealed)

        • (3A) Without prejudice to the generality of Clause (2), the exercise of a vote in any political election in a place outside the Federation shall be deemed to be the voluntary claim and exercise of a right available under the law of that place; and for the purposes of Clause (2), a person who, after such date as the Yang di-Pertuan Agong may by order appoint for the purposes of this Clause -

       • (a) applies to the authorities of a place outside the Federation for the issue or renewal of a passport; or

       • (b) uses a passport issued by such authorities as a travel document,

       • shall be deemed voluntarily to claim and exercise a right available under the law of that place, being a right accorded exclusively to the citizens of that place.

• (4) If the Federal Government is satisfied that any woman who is a citizen by registration under Clause (1) of Article 15 has acquired the citizenship of any country outside the Federation by virtue of her marriage to a person who is not a citizen, the Federal Government may by order deprive her of her citizenship.

Article number: 25

(1) The Federal Government may by order deprive of his citizenship any person who is a citizen by registration under Article 16A or 17 or a citizen by naturalisation if satisfied -

      • (a) that he has shown himself by act or speech to be disloyal or disaffected towards the Federation;

      • (b) that he has, during any war in which the Federation is or was engaged, unlawfully traded or communicated with an enemy or been engaged in or associated with any business which to his knowledge was carried on in such manner as to assist an enemy in that war; or

      • (c) that he has, within the period of five years beginning with the date of the registration or the grant of the certificate, been sentenced in any country to imprisonment for a term of not less than twelve months or to a fine of not less than five thousand ringgit or the equivalent in currency of that country, and has not received a free pardon in respect of the offence for which he was so sentenced.

• (1A) The Federal Government may by order deprive of his citizenship any person who is a citizen by registration under Article 16A or 17 or a citizen by naturalisation if satisfied that without the Federal Government's approval, he has accepted, served in, or performed the duties of any office, post or employment under the Government of any country outside the Federation or any political sub-division thereof, or under any agency of such a Government, in any case where an oath, affirmation or declaration of allegiance is required in respect of the office, post or employment:

Provided that a person shall not be deprived of citizenship under this Clause by reason of anything done before the beginning of October 1962, in relation to a foreign country, and before the beginning of January 1977, in relation to a Commonwealth country, notwithstanding that he was at the time a citizen.

• (2) The Federal Government may by order deprive of his citizenship any person who is a citizen by registration under Article 16A or 17 or a citizen by naturalization if satisfied that he has been ordinarily resident in countries outside the Federation for a continuous period of five years and during that period has neither -

       • (a) been at any time in the service of the Federation or of an international organization of which the Federal Government was a member; nor

       • (b) registered annually at a consulate of the Federation his intention to retain his citizenship:

provided that this Clause shall not apply to any period of residence in any Commonwealth country before the beginning of January 1977.

• (3) (Repealed)

Article number: 26

• (1) The Federal Government may by order deprive of his citizenship any citizen by registration or by naturalization if satisfied that the registration or certificate of naturalization -

        • (a) was obtained by means of fraud, false representation or the concealment of any material fact; or

        • (b) was effected or granted by mistake.

• (2) The Federal Government may by order deprive of her citizenship any woman who is a citizen by registration under Clause (1) of Article 15 if satisfied that the marriage by virtue of which she was registered has been dissolved, otherwise than by death, within the period of two years beginning with the date of the marriage.

• (3) (Repealed).

• (4) (Repealed).

Article number: 26a

Where a person has renounced his citizenship or been deprived thereof under Clause (1) of Article 24 or paragraph (a) of Clause (1) of Article 26, the Federal Government may by order deprive of his citizenship any child of that person under the age of twenty-one who has ben registered as a citizen pursuant to this Constitution and was so registered as being the child of that person or of that person's wife or husband.

Article number: 26b

• (1) Renunciation or deprivation of citizenship shall not discharge a person from liability in respect of anything done or omitted before he ceased to be a citizen.

• (2) No person shall be deprived of citizenship under Article 25, 26 or 26A unless the Federal Government is satisfied that it is not conducive to the public good that he should continue to be a citizen: and no person shall be deprived of citizenship under Article 25, paragraph (b) of Clause (1) of Article 26, or Article 26A if the Federal Government is satisfied that as a result of the deprivation he would not be a citizen of any country.

Article number: 27

• (1) Before making an order under Article 24, 25 or 26, the Federal Government shall give to the person against whom the order is proposed to be made notice in writing informing him of the ground on which the order is proposed to be made and of his right to have the case referred to a committee of inquiry under this Article.

• (2) If any person to whom such notice is given applies to have the case referred as aforesaid the Federal Government may, refer the case to a committee of inquiry consisting of a chairman (being a person possessing judicial experience) and two other members appointed by that Government for the purpose.

• (3) In the case of any such reference, the committee shall hold an inquiry in such manner as the Federal Government may direct, and submit its report to that Government: and the Federal Government shall have regard to the report in determining whether to make the order.

Article number: 28

• (1) For the purposes of the foregoing provisions of this Chapter -

        • (a) any person who before Merdeka Day became a federal citizen or a citizen of the Federation by registration as a citizen or in consequence of his registration as a citizen or in consequence of his registration as the subject of the Ruler, or by the grant of a certificate of citizenship, under any provision of the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, or of any State law shall be treated as a citizen by registration and, if he was not born within the Federation, as a citizen by registration under Article 17;

        • (b) a woman who before that day became a federal citizen or a citizen of the Federation by registration as a citizen, or in consequence of her registration as the subject of the Ruler, under any provision of the said Agreement or any State law authorizing the registration of women married to citizens of the Federation or to subjects of the Ruler shall be treated as a citizen by registration under Clause (1) of Article 15;

       • (c) any person who before that day was naturalised as a federal citizen or a citizen of the Federation under the said Agreement of became a federal citizen or a citizen of the Federation in consequence of his naturalization as the subject of a Ruler under any State law shall (subject to Clause (2)) be treated as a citizen by naturalization.

and references in those provisions to the registration or naturalization of a citizen shall be construed accordingly.

• (2) No person born within the Federation shall be liable by virtue of this Article to be deprived of citizenship under Article 25.

• (3) A person who on Merdeka Day became a citizen by operation of law as having been citizen of the Federation immediately before that day shall not be deprived of citizenship under Clause (1) or (2) of Article 24 by reason of anything done on or before that day, but in the case of any such person Clause (2) of Article 25 shall apply equally in relation to a period of residence in foreign countries beginning before Merdeka Day and in relation to such a period beginning on or after that day.

Article number: 28a

• (1) (Repealed)

• (2) For the purposes of Articles 24, 25, 26 and 26A a person who on Malaysia Day becomes a citizen by operation of law because immediately before that day he has the status of a citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies shall be treated -

        • (a) as a citizen by registration if he acquired that status by registration; and

        • (b) as a citizen by naturalisation if he acquired that status by or in consequence of naturalisation;

and references in those Articles to the registration or naturalisation of a citizen shall be construed accordingly.

• (3) Where a woman is under this Article to be treated as a citizen by registration, and the status consequence of which she is to be treated was acquired by her virtue of marriage, then for purposes of Clause (4) of Article 24 and Clause (2) of Article 26 she shall be treated as a citizen by registration under Clause (1) of Article 15.

• (4) Where a person born before Malaysia Day is under this Article to be treated as a citizen by registration by virtue of a connection with the State of Sabah or Sarawak and he was not born in the territories comprised in the States of Sabah and Sarawak, Article 25 shall apply to him as if he were a citizen by registration under Article 16a or 17.

• (5) Notwithstanding that a person is under this Article to be treated as a citizen by naturalisation,he shall not be deprived of his citizenship under Article 25 if he was born before Malaysia Day in the territories comprised in the States of Sabah and Sarawak and is to be treated by virtue of a status acquired by or in consequence of naturalisation in those territories.

• (6) Without prejudice to the forgoing Clauses, where on Malaysia Day a person becomes a citizen by operation of law in virtue of any status possessed by him immediately before that day to be deprived of that status under the law relating thereto, then the Federal Government may by order deprive him of his citizenship, ir proceedings for that purpose are begun before September 1965: but Clause (2) of Article 26b and, subject to Clause (7), Article 27 shall apply to an order under this Clause as they apply to an order under Article 25.

• (7) Where a person is liable to be deprived of citizenship under Clause (6) and proceedings had before Malaysia Day begun to deprive him of the status of virtue of which he acquired his citizenship, those proceedings shall be treated as proceedings to deprive him of citizenship under that Clause, and shall be continued in accordance with the law relating to that status immediately before Malaysia Day, and the functions the Federal Government in relation thereto shall be delegated to such authority of the State in question as the Federal Government may determine.

THE CHANGE IS COMIN

The cat is out of the bag. Despite vows of being able to retain the federal government with two-thirds of the seats in Parliament, Prime Minister Najib Razak is staring at stark defeat.
According to political sources, a survey conducted by a special government intelligence unit showed Najib's Umno-Barisan Nasional coalition trailing far behind the Pakatan Rakyat led by Anwar Ibrahim with only 98 seats to the Opposition's 124.
Anwar and PR are expected to win 10 seats in the Federal Territories, 10 in Johor, 11 in Kedah, 12 in Kelantan, 18 in Perak, 17 in Selangor, 1 in Terengganu, 1 in Malacca, 3 in Negeri Sembilan, 5 in Pahang, 0 in Perlis and a total of 25 in Sabah and Sarawak.
"This is a real eye-opener for the big-wigs in Umno. It is no wonder Najib and Mahathir are now so panicky in their response to issues that crop up. They cannot afford to make any mistake at this stage," Zulkefly Othman, secretary of the security council in Anwar's PKR party, told Malaysia Chronicle.
RM5mil going rate to "buy over" a PR candidate

Zulkefly, who is also the head of strategy for the PKR Malacca division, expects the going to get "really rough and dirty" in the weeks ahead, with vote-rigging, Opposition-bashing and an avalanche of "election goodies" to deluge the nation as the Umno-BN struggled to retain its 55-year stranglehold on power.
He warns that BN has intensified its lures to Opposition candidates to defect, a threat that he said the PR leadership must beware of and put at the top of its list of electoral risks.
"The going rate is now RM5 mil for a PR candidate and going closer to the GE, we can expect this number to increase. The BN will surely play very dirty and the PR leadership must find ways to counter this," said Zulkefly.
"To me, this is even more dangerous than the vote-rigging and padding of the electoral rolls. So in choosing their contestants, the top PR leaders must be wise. They must have a plan to prevent this sort of unethical defection and the best way is to recruit only those who are truly sincere and have iron-cast principles. Those who are thick-skinned and not 'malu' (shy) to jump ship should not be considered," Zulkefly said.

Nervous Najib might again delay GE13
Indeed, the nervousness displayed by Umno-BN leaders is visible. Former premier Mahathir Mohamad has been making a return to the limelight in a bid to rally support from the key Malay electorate and even Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin has promised the BN may make permanent a cash aid scheme it recently announced so as to get the people to retain the political status quo.
“We don't want to see such aid be a one-off payment. It should be disbursed on a long-term basis. I believe the Prime Minister will look into BR1M (1Malaysia People's Aid) as a programme that should be continued. I am sure that it will be continued on a long-term basis when the rakyat (people) retains Barisan as the Federal Government,” theStar newspaper reported Muhyiddin as saying after distributing RM100 cash vouchers to students of five schools last week.
However, it may be too late for the BN. No matter what late-hour strategy Najib pulls, many political observers and pundits are of the view that the people will plumb for change, disgusted and fed-up with the rampant and endemic corruption in the BN government.
According to Zulkefly, Najib might use the latest survey to once again delay the GE13. The latest hint coming from those in the PM's camp are that he will dissolve Parliament on Feb 22, post nominations on Mar 16, with balloting on Mar 30.
"We won't be surprised. Najib may wait for Parliament to automatically dissolve on April 28 to buy himself and the BN more time. But there is no guarantee they can win back the people. I would say Malaysians are already very annoyed by the delay so far. They have made up their minds and want to vote. If Najib continues to dilly-dally, it will only irritate them more," said Zulkefly.

Market sell-off, investors wearied by prolonged uncertainty
Even investors are betting on a regime change and recently sold off in anticipation that hardliners in Najib's party might create unrest if they lost. The benchmark stock market index FBM KLCI suffered its steepest one-day fall in 8 months last week, plunging 40.81 points and losing RM35billion in market capitalization amid speculation Najib would dissolve Parliament on February 22.
"Why must the entire nation- yes all of us - from corporate sector making investment decision to citizens wanting to plan weddings or umrah trip, be subjected to this vagaries of an election date?" asked Dzulkefly Ahmad, the MP for Kuala Selangor who also heads the PAS Research Centre.

In the country's coming 13th general election, 222 seats in the federal Parliament and 505 state assembly seats in 12 states (excluding Sarawak which held its state assembly election in 2011) will be contested.
In the 2008 election, PR had won 82 seats vs BN's 140, denying for the first time the Umno-BN government its long-held two-thirds control of Parliament, which allows it to hammer through key changes to the Federal Constitution, the country's highest law.
In the 2004 election, PR had only managed to win 21 vs BN's 198. At that time, there were only 219 parliamentary seats were up for contest. Three new seats were created only in the 2008 election - Igan, Sibuti and Limbang in Sarawak.